We remember... Gennady Karpenko

Open letter to the President of the Republic of Belarus A. G. Lukashenko

Cc: the Supreme Soviet deputies of the 13th convocation, the Council of Ministers, the chairmen of local, municipal, and regional execu tive committees and deputy councils.

The National executive committee entrusted me to address you with an open letter regarding the aggravation of the economic crisis in our country, which once again showing the incompetence of your policy. Your adventurous policy resulted in unprecedented poverty of the Belarusian people, international isolation, and even a threat to the country’s independence.

Until your coming to power, the standard of living of the Belarusian people was one of the highest in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. Nowadays 83% of the population experience hardships as the result of your refusal to start economic reforms, your policy of self-isolation from developed countries, and unilateral unconditional attachment to the Russian economy. The wage, pension and savings level in Belarus is 3-8 times lower than in Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Slovakia and Czech Republic.

Let me mention that during your time in power:

— the Belarusian ruble depreciated more than 100 times! It is well known that hyperinflation destroys the economy. Savings, accumulated by previous generations, depreciate and are eaten away, and companies are running out of circulating assets and investments.

-You promised to put factories into operation. However, the best enterprises and almost all collective farms of Belarus went bankrupt. A crisis of non-payment has taken place, and the debts of the companies have reached their breaking point.

— The volume of agricultural production has decreased considerably. In the current year, the agricultural sector can provide the population with milk products for only 50% of the demand, with meat — for 40%. Total grain yield does not exceed 4 million tons. That is the half of the amount needed. The collective farms went broke, agricultural equipment is worn-out, farmers wait for their scanty wages for months.

— You promised to eliminate corruption. The mechanism of robbing from the country now functions under your patronage instead. Diversified exchange rates, barter payment arrangements, and selective tax and customs duties remissions all improve the well being of your assistants.

— The executive power under your direction arbitrarily squanders tax money and controls expenditures. The head of the executive power enjoys his personal unchecked budget providing him with a comfortable lifestyle.

— You dissolved the Supreme Soviet and established an illegal Chamber of Representatives, which has neither real legislative power nor control functions. The judicial system has been destroyed. Violations of rights and liberties, in practically in all spheres of human activity, have reached an unprecedented level. That was the reasoning behind the creation of the OSCE working group for Belarus. It is known that such representative offices are set up only in extremely troubled countries.

— Your policy has brought our people to poverty. The average wage and pension levels have decreased by 2 times and now make up correspondingly 30 and 10 dollars. The wages of the most collective farmers do not exceed 5 dollars, but even this amount has not been paid out for months.

— Under your rule depopulation has started. Starting from 1995, the population of Belarus has decreased by 30-40 thousand people annually. The medical service is lacking. People cannot buy necessary medicines at outrageous high prices. Only 3% of the Belarusian children are considered healthy.

— Trying to justify your amateurish and irresponsible actions, you deprived people of reliable information and turned newspapers, radio, and television into a device for deluding public opinion.

— The life and fate of a man have no meaning for you. To preserve your own power you would not hesitate to throw in jail a 16-year boy, or an old man, or a sick woman. The threat of harsh violence or criminal persecution of dissenting voices, boorishness, and endless lying — these are the attributes of your power. That can not last any longer!

One person whoever he is has no right to impose his will on the people. People know that you are broke! Our country requires fundamental changes. I think it is my civil duty to insist on your stopping the experiments on Belarus and its people.

By this address I do not appeal to you and your associates for political dismissal. I am absolutely sure that such a civil act is beyond your power.

The top-priority task today is to correct the economic policy of the country in order to mitigate the consequences of the crisis for the Belarusian people.

On the assumption of the above-said the National executive committee requires:

1. Stopping senseless attempts to obtain control over Russia. Give up political games and adventures and make efforts to restore the Belarusian economy and extend relations with our neighbors — Russia, Ukraine, Poland, Latvia and Lithuania. For this particular purpose, specific economic programs have to be developed. Make a point of increasing mutually beneficial export/import operations, especially with Ukraine, Poland and Lithuania.
2. Make economic policy a number one priority, and aim at developing new enterprises based on new techniques and technologies. Direct attention to the technical reconstruction of the national economy, to the development of private business, establishment of small-scale enterprises using progressive scientific and technological achievements. Give preferential treatment to these enterprises and reduce their tax burden. Businesses with foreign capital, using new technologies, must undertake such special obligations as, for instance, a guarantee of a minimum wage level no less than 100 dollars and an average wage level of 200 dollars, as well as expansion of production and job creation.
3. Make national interests and independence of the country the main priorities in the economic and political development. Democracy, supremacy of law, equal rights to economic subjects of all kinds of property, unconditional government responsibility for social security and provision of pensions, health protection and education must make up a basis of our internal policy.
4. Restore trust relationships with the European and world community. The external policy of Belarus must meet the needs of the economy such as capital and technology inflow, hard currency influx as the result of entering open competitive markets, and increased turnover. Transform the inefficient customs union into the free trade regime for Russia and others of our nearest neighbors.
5. Without delay restore normal diplomatic relations with the EU and USA as well as partner relationships with international financial organizations. Make official apologies for not keeping to the terms of previous agreements and contracts, and reinstate our country’s prestige in the eyes of the world community.
6. Stabilize and preserve national currency as restrictedly convertible, used in domestic and international transactions. The national currency must become a store of value.
7. Stop the implicit robbery of the Belarusian people through inflationary taxes and depreciation of bank accounts because of cheap money emissions.
8. Carry out a set of systemic reforms, creating efficiency that was proven by our northern and western neighbors. These reforms are the following: the reform of public and local administration, tax reform aiming at tax reduction, reform of the social sphere, and restricting administrative intervention and control of private business.
9. Do away with supporting unprofitable public structures at the expense of taxpayers and efficient businesses.

Finally I would like to draw your attention to the fact that the economic crisis in Belarus is above all the result of the existing authoritarian political system. Regarding this, one of the key demands of the National executive committee is basic reform of the political sphere. It requires:

— Providing democratic presidential elections in July 1999;

— The development and signing of a Political Agreement between government and opposition concerning ways out of constitutional, political and economic crisis, and providing conditions for elections into legislative and representative bodies of government.

— To grant free access to mass media to all representatives of political, social and economic spheres.

These political changes combined with specific economic objectives make up systemic reforms, aiming at getting out of this crisis.

Mr. President! If you really care about the interests of your electorate, you should publicly admit the mistakes of your policy, explain to people why you failed to keep your election pledges, and start a dialogue referring to the country’s future development.

And the first step in this dialogue could be a discussion of the proposals of the National executive committee to get out of the serious systemic crisis taking place in Belarus.

Gennady Karpenko,
Vice-chairman of the Belarusian Supreme Soviet of the 13th convocation, and
chairman of theNational executive committee

Tamara Dmitrievna Vinnikova agreed to answer some of our questions and expressed a willingness to contribute to our newspaper.

— Tamara Dmitrievna, the consistencies of Gennady Karpenko’s death appeared to be strange to many people…

— I am sure that it was a murder because I saw him in his last hours. We were to be killed on the same day.

— Does that mean that chance was simply not on his side?

— Unfortunately, chance did not help him. And what is more, he knew that one of us would be the first to be killed. And not only we. We talked about it and discussed it.

— To your mind, does his death have any connection with your disappearance?

— No. There was a developed plan of many murders. And all of them will be fulfilled anyway- in this or a different way. Gennady Karpenko knew about it because he was informed. There is a list of people who are subject to extermination. He told me about it. Frankly speaking, I do not want to talk about it today – you do know how it can be interpreted and what kind of claims I’ll be accused of.

Irina Chalip, “Narodnay Voly”, №232 (814),
15.12.99

On the 6th of April dozens of people gathered at the “Moscow” graveyard in Minsk. There were neither politicians, nor representatives of international organizations, nor journalists. On the “Day of memory of Gennady Karpenko,” as was written on the white-red-white flags, just people of kindred spirit gathered at the gravesite of the first chairman of National Executive Committee. There were no eulogy speeches. People came to place bouquets on the monument, which was buried in flowers. They kept silent. Umbrellas closed down in a tight ring around the granite monument for a half an hour. The wind gusts brought single words from women’s choir songs and speeches of a few speakers. Ludmila Karpenko’s voice, the politician’s widow, was hardly heard because of the rain. She would tell to “BG” (Belaruskaya Gazeta) later: “Thirty years, spent with Gennady, flew by faster than a year without him.”

Ludmila Karpenko, the deceased’s widow:

I am sure he was killed. We lived together for thirty years. I could feel by heart his condition and his health. He was in fine health. Moreover it was not the first attempt to kill him. On October 21, 1996 the day after the promulgation of the shady government staff at the “All Belarusians People’s Congress” where Karpenko had the honorary title of president, his car was shot at. The criminal case was opened but not finished. There was a lot about it in papers.

In March 1997 Gennady was arrested near the Czech Embassy. He was accused of organizing unauthorized march that took place the day before – March 23. Despite the fact that the sitting of the court was delayed they took him to a militia station where the station chief had an objectless talk to him while waiting for a special order. Informed journalists and I came to militia station but where we were told that Gennady had not come there. He told me later that they brought him to a cell in the main office. Only after midnight I learned that Gennady had been brought to the hospital. He was escorted not by people in doctors’ smocks but special riot police. They guarded him even in the hospital ward standing next to bed with guns. An attempt to replace his medicine took place in that year.

I think that there was no psychological persecution in 1999 – medicinal murder occurred. Remember, within a month after Zakharenko’s disappearance, on September 16, the day before Gennady’s 50th birthday, Gonchar disappeared. It was like someone’s “present”. I am sure it was a professionally developed and fulfilled plan.

This year is the year of Gennady Karpenko. This is the year that he was getting ready to. He hoped to overcome the misfortunes that happened to all of us simultaneously.

But as it turned out we can not be frightened. Neither of factors can lead us to unification around one person. We are exhausted of being afraid. The threat seems to be inside of us.

Everybody could unite around Karpenko. The problem of nominating the single candidate had not existed if he had been alive. He could have united all democratic groups without becoming a hostage of any of them.

There are a few other things that made Gennady Karpenko different from today’s contenders though they hate the nature of the regime as much as he did. Gennady did not have any soviet communist party skeletons in the cupboard. He was not a Bolshevik. He spent most of his life in the Soviet Union but he did not become one of the looters. He did his scientific work and managed production with dignity. He just used to dose off at the party meetings. Unlike many people he understood that a president is not a host of the country at all that he is just a state employee hired by the real master – the people – for a certain term and salary.

You can hardly go to the bright better future on the express train of history at such low price. A worthy man is needed for that. We need a man whom the world will not ask as it keeps inquiring Putin, “Who are you?” Nobody would have asked Karpenko such a question. Everybody knew that he was a worthy person. And even nomenklatura in the polling-booth hidden from the watchful eyes of their masters would vote for him. They were not afraid of him. Government employees understood that he would not put them in prison without any reason just for revenge. He had different tasks.

The authorities also understood it quite well. Karpenko’s death as if initiated unexplainable and fatal disappearance of people, television psychological assaults, opposition decadence.

It is obvious today that the authorities ranked the opposition people according to the degree of danger they represented for them. They murdered Gennady Karpenko first.

Today I know for sure that he has been murdered though the formal cause of his death is trivial and peaseful. I do not have evidence that Gennady Karpenko was murdered but I have knowledge of it. Each person who from time to time gives a thought to the life in our country has this knowledge. One smart person wrote a hundred years ago, “I know that Chekhov writes better that Zlatovratski but I can not explain why”. We are in the same position. As we do not have hard evidence, we do not have the right to firmly state it.

After Gennady Karpenko’s death his relatives and friends made their own investigation and managed to reproduce his last day minute by minute. There seemed to be nothing suspicious. But there were three time spans when he was alone. We can recollect the mysterious meeting with Tamara Vinnikova not long before his death. In that place every sound was recorded. Karpenko said that he found traces of budget money that Lukashenko used to publish a book in Germany. Taxpayers hate when their money disappears somewhere. What did Karpenko manage to find out that time? What sums of money? On what accounts? Karpenko was getting ready to attend the economic forum in Warsaw. He was invited to make a report there. Meetings with Solana and Mrs. Albright were scheduled. These distinguished politicians would not even notice Lukashenko. Remember his refusal to take part in the presidential election held in 1999 by Viktor Gonchar. He said that he did not want to waste time and he wanted to concentrate solely on the presidential election in 2001 and to finally win. Lukashenko as many mammals has the instinct of self-preservation. It accurately tells him about dangerous enemies that must be destroyed.

I am sure to go to the polling station on the day of the presidential election. I may spoil the ballot paper, as it will be too difficult not to write in it the name “Karpenko Gennady Dmitrievich”. And I will put a tick at his name. Well somebody has already put a tick in from of his name. Two years ago.

Irina Khalip
“Belorusskaya Delovaya Gazeta” №52 April 6, 2001

Now, when Father is not around, I often think what he looked like in my childhood. Although he was very busy, he always had time for me – time to solve my problems, answer my questions, and take me to a theatre or a sports event. My mark-book was looked through regularly. Sometimes when I would tamper with my marks in the mark-book, without getting emotional he could find the words that would make me feel ashamed of myself. I knew that he visited school and talked to the teachers at least once a month.

We had a very rough neighborhood. I often came home with a black eye or in torn clothes. He always defended me before my mother, “This is a would-be man, he has to hold his ground,” he used to say. My father often initiated wrestling tournaments in our yard. We were wrestling, while he as a referee saw to it that no forbidden tricks were used by the fighters. Sometimes we ended up with a black eye, but everybody was happy and content. My close friends still recollect these tournaments. I was proud that my father was such a good football player and was extremely happy when he could play football with my friends and me or umpire our match.

Once he took me to a hockey game. The game was then unknown to me, but he made it interesting. After the game he brought home two broken hockey sticks. We fixed them at home, and I spent the whole winter playing with them. Everybody in the neighborhood was envious of me and asked for a chance to use them.

At first father took me to a swimming club to get me tempered, then when I grew older to a judo club.

In summer my family often went on holiday to the Crimea. Those were unforgettable, full of adventures times. I liked it best when we went by car. I remember staying at a camping ground by the sea. Tanyusha and I slept in a car, parents in a tent. In the camping lot there was only one shop selling fruit, too small for holidaymakers. My father would take me to an orchard. We would pluck peaches off the trees and bring back several crates for a small sum. Since then I have never eaten such delicious peaches straight off the tree.

During holidays my father always had business meetings, to which he would often take me along”.

Later there came mature respect for my father…

“He initiated me into political life. My fellow students and I made rounds of visits to collect signatures in favor of democratic candidates. I started to give thought to issues, which had been of no importance to me before. What are the key features of the Belarusian character? Gentleness, forbearance, notorious tolerance… No pains, no gains, they say. It means you have to do something, you have to move. It is no use to expect that somebody will do your job. This expectation will not change anything. My father did not talk about it – he implanted this idea by his actions, by his work.

He treated people, subordinates and assistants with great respect. He taught to look at the problem from different angles, to make mature decisions, to debate pros and cons, not to destroy, especially if others have created it. To demand from people, one has to give them freedom to act. Everyone is entitled to make mistakes – do not interfere, for one cannot gain experience otherwise. Sometimes one has to take a hard line in order to survive, especially in politics. One has to defend one’s point, even if subjected to severe attacks. Very often intellectuals cannot oppose violence, especially if it is accompanied by lies and effrontery. If cornered, they get confused. This is the problem of modern intellectuals.

My father did not suffer from this weakness. Since childhood he had been of different mold. He told me about his childhood and adolescence, about the rules of their neighborhood – tough but fair. He would not submit or serve to an intellectually inferior person. He respected people whose actions proved their capacity, and not lies or effrontery.

I do not think my father was impulsive. On the contrary, he would consider each issue comprehensively. I liked his thoroughness a lot. We, his children and his wife, as well as his friends and teammates felt confident and secure when he was around. I think many people could feel his dependability. Probably, this is why they started to associate with him some certainty of their future and of the future of their children. In its turn, this was the foundation of the future of my father – a presidential nominee of the democratic forces of the country. This scared the powers that be. And now my father is no longer with us…

I miss him so much! People around are different, but most of them are thoughtful, they are interested in having a future they can predict. They are not carefree. They fear that Belarus might lose its economic independence, economic for the time being. However, tomorrow they will realize that without political independence there cannot be economic independence. They know who I am, who my father was. We have business relations, which are rather friendly. Were my father here, I perhaps could help them understand things somewhat better. I also got a lot of questions. I wish I could discuss them and receive some advice. I am proud to be his son, I am proud to have his name – KARPENKO.”

Memories of everyday life – a joke or a serious conversation, a disappointment or a happy moment – everything seems very special. Then suddenly it comes back – he is not around. Despair feels my soul so much, that I do not know how to go on living any longer.

Though it sounds trite, I compare my father’s life to a burning candle. It was the bright fire in a grim and malicious room, giving warmth, kindness and confidence to the surroundings. However, it did not burn down – somebody put it out. This is when darkness fell…

The first and, probably, the most pleasant memory is the feeling of comfort and happiness I experienced around my father. It felt so good to sit in his lap. When I grew older I often pretended to be asleep, so that he would carry me in his arms. At the end of a bus ride I would suddenly fall asleep. He would carry me home. Then I would wake up… I think my father knew my trick and played along. Perhaps, he liked to carry me up the stairs of the house. It was our secret: I know that I felt great, but I also know that you felt great, too…

I cannot say that we spent a lot of time together. We rarely went to the circus, cinema or theatre or paid a visit. When we grew older, we did not attend his business meetings or receptions. We did not interfere with his talks. Still we felt his love and care in the moments of happiness and grieve.

I will never forget the moment I became a mother. Right after the birth of my daughter, Nastenka was in a critical condition, her life was in danger. Had it not been for my father, I am not sure everything would have turned out well. Later, when my daughter and I came home from the hospital after all the troubles we had, I constantly felt his support and heard his reassuring words. When my mother, husband and brother could not hide their worry, which swathed me, father inspired comfort and confidence in me. At any moment I remembered that I had a father who was my tower of strength, my armor, my fortress; I had a father I was proud of, my role model in every aspect of life.

I met people who envied my father and my family. Some of them, out of baseness of their character or groveling before the authorities tried to foul our name. However, most people– at school, University, work – supported and were interested in father’s position towards Lukashenko and his surroundings…

My father liked poetry and was friends with Belarusian poets – Nil Gilevich and Gennady Buravkin… He enjoyed music – the “Lube” was his favorite group. He liked to sing and dance and joke in any situation. Dad enjoyed life. We spent practically all summer holidays together. I will never forget our last family trip. Mom, Dad, Anna (Dima’s daughter), my husband and I went to Bulgaria by coach. Some were surprised: “Look at this, Karpenko is traveling by coach just like everyone else!” Each day spent in Bulgaria is stored in my memory: small cafes where we dined, children’s amusement grounds, the sea, and what is more important – dealing with each other, with father…

Now, when my father is no longer with us, memories bring back details I paid no attention to when he was still alive. Now they have their special, fatal, I would say, meaning. I recall watching television. During a break for a commercial on the Russian channel we switched to the Belarusian one, which showed the same face, hand to his heart. “You have elected your President, and this is for life,” he said. “Daddy, why for life?” I asked. He did not reply. It turned out to be true – until his life ended.

Father liked people. He forgave even those who hurt him. It is a good trait – to like people. He did a lot of good to many people. He could not refuse to help, even when he knew he should. Many people approached him with all kinds of problems, and he tried to help them all.

We were protective of him. He worked hard, wrote a lot, traveled much. We worried; we were scared someone would hurt him, especially when he went on meetings to other places. We would sigh with relief every time he got back.

My family was ready for any humiliation, gossip, loss of friends and work. Dad used to say it was not 1937, when someone could easily kill a person and hide it. He was not afraid of such threats. But he was wrong…

After Dad’s murder, I had a strange dream before 40 days passed: “The Funeral. The coffin is at the entrance. I am bending over the coffin and asking: ‘Dad, open your eyes if you were killed. We would gain comfort and leave you in peace if you were not’. He opened his eyes and looked at me… ”

When one is sick and dies it is very painful but one has to reconcile with the loss. With Dad, however, it was totally different. He gave speeches in public, met people, and wrote newspaper articles against the existing regime. We worry about him. Still, we never thought he could be murdered for this.

They say time cures. I do not know, if it is true. The more time passes, the more painful is the loss for me, for us. The grief does not abate. It still hurts. I am convinced there are people who will help us find out the truth about his murder. Let it take several years until the government changes. Then we will remind those who issued brutal orders and who thoughtlessly carried them out of our grief and humiliation.

There is something else I would like to say. Belarusian people have one weakness – they cannot defend themselves or take pride in their prominent countrymen. Outstanding personalities are rare – they need to be cherished, to be taken pride in. I feel sorry that the best people of our country are not needed or demanded, while liars and grabbers are appreciated. Few people do understand that we cannot live like this. When shall we see the light an d think straight? This was my Dad’s goal”.

Extracts from the book “Imprisoned by Time,
Life of Gennady Karpenko”

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